Who was Salvatore Meloni?

Salvatore Meloni, known as Doddore (Ittiri, May 4, 1943 - Uta, July 5, 2017), was a Sardinian independent activist.

Biography

As a road haulier, Meloni begins his political career as a councilor of the Terralba Social Movement in Terralba. He later joined the Sardo d'Azione and was among the promoters of the motion that on December 6, 1981 at the XXth congress of the party, resolved to amend art. 1 of the Statute, inserting the word "independence" instead of "stateless autonomy" without any reference to the Italian state

In December 1981, he was arrested after the explosion was found in his home in Terralba, accusing him of having committed an attack on the Cagliari headquarters in Tirrenia and being in charge of a separatist plot to make Sardinia independent of the state Italian. After the arrest, Melons begins a series of hunger strikes to protest against what he thinks is an outrageous political persecution, and he founded the Partidu sardu pro s'indipendentzia (PARIS) with which he participated in the regional elections . In October 1984 he was sentenced to nine years' imprisonment with the accusation of political conspiracy and subversive association against integrity, independence and unity of the state.Melons is the only Italian ever condemned for this offense. Following the sentence, the right to vote is revoked and the perpetual ban on public offices is imposed.

Give up honoring the story again in 2008 when he declares independence of Maldra's Island. He died after 66 days of hunger strike in Uta prison (Cagliari) where he was recruited for crimes of a fiscal nature.

The case of Catalonia

HISTORY OF CATALONIA

The territory occupied by Catalonia was conquered by the Roman Empire in 218 BC and was part of the Tarraconense province; In the 5th century the Tarraconense was conquered by the glasses and was part of the Kingdom of Toledo. The 712 Muslims defeated the Goths and occupied the Tarraconense, but by the end of that same century they were expelled from the north by the Franks with the support of Charlemagne. The Gòtia franca was organized in counties, which when the extinction of the Carolingian dynasty did not renew the vassalage to the new royal royal dynasty. The Count of Barcelona seized several counties and in 1137 he married Peronella, daughter of the King of Aragon, constituting a dynastic union between the two lineages. Alfons el Cast, the first to be the king of Aragon and the count of Barcelona, ​​politically unified the heterogeneous group of Catalan counties that were under the jurisdiction through three legislative, legal and cultural documents: Usatici Barchinonae (Usatges de Barcelona) , the Liber domini regis (Llibre del domini del rei), and the Gesta Comitum Barchinonensium (Gestos dels Comtes de Barcelona), documents that shaped Catalonia as a medieval statewith a unified legislative and judicial corpus, common cultural references, and some borders that were defined as "the land that goes from Salses to Tortosa and Lleida". Administratively, Catalonia was articulated through a territorial jurisdictional structure, the vegueries, at the head of which there was a representative of the royal authority, the veguer. The foundation of Catalonia as a state is represented by the appearance of the term Cathalonia in the legal documentation of the chancery of the King of Aragon, which went from having the mere and vague geographical meaning before becoming the official name of A defined political and ethnic space.

In 1319 King James the Fair consecrated the indissoluble "Union" of Aragon, Valencia and Catalonia, transforming the dynastic union into a powerful federation of states called the Crown of Aragon   respecting the singularities of each territory and developing an equivalent and similar political structure: Parlaments, Generalitats and constitutional system. The dynastic union of the Casal de Aragón with the Trastámara Dynasty and the Habsburg Dynasty did not alter the constitutional system of the states of the Crown of Aragon. In 1640 the centralist project of Count Duke of Olivares triggered the War of Reapers, which ended up causing the separation of the Kingdom of Portugal and loss by transfer to the Kingdom of France of the counties of Roussillon and Cerdanya. The enthronement of the Bourbon Dynasty triggered the War of the Spanish Succession on a European scale and due to the continuous conflicts between the civil servants of Philip V and officials of the Aragonese Crown, a feeling of support for Archduke grew in Catalonia Carlos turned the conflict into an internal war between the states of the Catholic Monarchy. The war ended with the cession of Hispanic states of Italy, Flanders, Menorca and Gibraltar, and the imposition of Bourbon absolutism with the Decrees of the New Plant.

The collapse of the Old absolutist regime throughout the nineteenth century and the establishment of liberal regimes did not imply the recovery of the constitutional system proper to Catalonia and the other states of the Crown of Aragon but instead devoted the Kingdom of Spain. Spain as a centralized political regime. Throughout the 20th century different methods of administrative decentralization were searched, such as the Commonwealth of Catalonia or the Republican Generalitat, but it was not until the promulgation of the Spanish Constitution of 1978 and the approval of the Statute of Autonomy when consolidated the current Spanish system of political and administrative delegation in the autonomous communities. The Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of 2006 states in its preamble that "the Parliament of Catalonia, gathering the feeling and the will of the citizens of Catalonia, has defined Catalonia as a nation", although the current Spanish constitution limits the recognition of the national reality of Catalonia to that of a historical nationality.

The ruling of the 2010 Statute, among others, revived the independentist sentiment and was the trigger for activating a Catalan independentist process, which celebrated mass demonstrations in 2010, 2012, 2013, 2014, until the elections to Parliament of Catalonia of 2015 gave rise to a Parliament with absolute independence majority. The President of the Generalitat, Carles Puigdemont, convened a Referendum on self-determination held on October 1, 2017 and gave more than 90% of votes in favor. A few days later he made a partial declaration of independence, pending international mediation. Finally, on October 27, 2017, independence was proclaimed in the Parliament of Catalonia.

But, what about the indepedence? Is it a historical issue?

Catalan Independentism is the political current, derived from Catalan nationalism, which advocates the independence of Catalonia, or of the Catalan Countries, with respect to Spain and France and thus establish the Catalan Republic, proclaimed on several occasions.

Catalan independentism bases its thesis on the principle that Catalonia is a nation, alluding to a variety of arguments, which, without entering into the nuances of each ideological group, have a common basis in the right to full self-government, financial self-management, the ability to decide on the socio-economic model, the defense of Catalan culture and language, the preservation of Catalan civil law, while also motivating feelings of belonging or historical motives. These diverse reasons are described in a series of analyzes according to the different ideological trends, and show the advantages that Catalonia will become an independent state.

First historical antecedents

XVIII Century:

The first historical antecedents of Catalan political independence, are uncertain, since the abolition of the Catalan Constitutions, with the New Plant Decrees in 1714, after the War of the Succession, there were several popular movements that claimed, more or more less explicitly, a Catalan republic in the various ups and downs that would shake Catalonia throughout the 19th century, but they did not yet do so with a modern nationalist political project.

XX Century:

The first Catalan independentist publications had appeared in 1918. And the first political parties independentistas. Since the beginning of the century, the first movements of separatist tendencies that had come together in the creation of the National Democratic Federation (1919) and the beginning of what would be the first group that would be declared separatist: Estat Català, led by Francesc Macià, a group that initially engaged in armed activities. The FDN would have an ephemeral life and very soon, Catalan State would become a political organization (1922) that will have a military branch, the suborganization Black Flag (1926).

In 1926, the events of Prats de Molló would take place, where Francesc Macià led a failed attempt to promote a pro-independence armed insurrection, which reached an alliance with the trade unionism of the CNT and the workers' forces to to convene a general strike. The military failure, however, became a success of propaganda, and the trial in Macia was able to give a great echo to the vindication of independence both internally and internationally, and converted Macià into a popular icon. Once in exile, Macià would found in Cuba the Revolutionary Separatist Party of Catalonia, inspired by the Cuban Revolutionary Party of José Martí and Máximo Gómez Báez.

In the decade of the thirties other independentist parties appeared like Us Sols! (1931), the Catalan Nationalist Party (1932), or the Proletarian Catalan Party (1932). In 1936, the latter would be integrated into the Socialist Unified Party of Catalonia and the first two would be integrated into the Catalan State. In these years, independence in practice, only acted within the scope of the Principality of Catalonia. The Catalan Proletarian Party, led by Jaume Compte, would be the first precedent of socialist independence. With the fall of the Monarchic Restoration (Alfonso XIII) and Primo de Rivera, and the advent of the Spanish Republic (1931), the Catalan republicanism will be united and will form the Republican Esquerra de Catalunya. There will also be a large part of the "separatism" led by Francesc Macià despite maintaining a certain structure of its own (the JEREC). Macià will become the leader of this movement and, after the proclamation of the Catalan Republic, it will be achieved that Madrid grant self-government of Catalonia. Macià and, later, Lluís Companys will arrive to presidents of the Republican Generalitat, with great support of the town, but having to resign in fact to an independent state.

FRANCO GOVERNMENT

The Franco Regime banned catalan language in Catalonia. So a lot of catalan families became more catalan nationalist that they were before.

TRANSITION

The end of the Franco regime, with the death of Franco, apart from the formal freedoms of democracy achieved, the changes that came later in relation to the structure of the state, which the official discourse described as "Democratic transition", supposed a process of reform agreed between the directions of the majority parties, as opposed to the Democratic Breach that initially demanded anti-Franco authorities such as the Assembly of Catalonia, which included among its points the right to self-determination. Thus, from the point of view of independentism, the process actually strengthened the fundamental pillar of the indissoluble unit of the "Spanish nation", and placed the Spanish army as the guarantor of this unit, principles enshrined in the first articles of the Spanish constitution of 1978. In this framework, for autonomy the Catalan autonomies remained as subordinate entities without their own effective political power. The pro-independence left denounced what this meant then, remaining alone in the denunciation of the autonomous regime. For 16 years, from 1979 to 1995, he developed an armed propaganda strategy that allowed the emergence of an incipient social and political movement that managed to extend socially, for the first time in history, massively, explicitly independentist positions.

In the 1980s, the creation of the Earth Defense Movement mostly agglomerated political independence, until by the end of this decade it would be divided into different factions, and in 1992 it would receive an important repressive sotragada. Meanwhile other movements such as the Call for Solidarity and, at the beginning of the 1990s, parties such as the Republican Left of Catalonia, evolved towards independentist positions. It is at the beginning of the 1990s that Terra Lliure self-denies, although another armed group, the Freedom Liberation Squads acted in 1994.

XXI Century:

On December 14, 2011 in Vic the Association of Municipalities for the Independence was created an organization that groups different local entities in order to defend the achievement of the national rights of Catalonia with the aim of promoting the exercise of the right to self-determination

Since September 3, 2012, several municipalities of Catalonia have declared Free Catalan Territory from a motion approved by the corresponding city council plenary.

11th September of 2012:

It took place the The manifestation «Catalonia, the new state of Europe», was a rally that took place in Barcelona on September 11, 2012 during the Day of Catalonia. It was convened by the Catalan National Assembly, an organization of Catalan scope that aims to achieve the political independence of Catalonia.

The influx of protesters was estimated among 600,000 people, according to the Government Delegation in Catalonia, and one and a half million people, according to the Urban Guard of Barcelona and the Department of Interior.

This manifestation is considered as a turning point in the independentist claims of Catalonia, as has also been the ruling on the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of 2006 of the Constitutional Court of Spain, which opens a much more belligerent stage of the political agents involved . On September 25 of that same year, two weeks after the demonstration, the president of Catalonia, Artur Mas, convened elections with clear references to this manifestation.

On December 18, 2012, it was agreed that the consultation on the independence of Catalonia was held in 2014, according to the Pact for Freedom, a governance agreement ratified by Artur Mas by Convergència i Unió and Oriol Junqueras by 'Republican Left of Catalonia. 

Result of the vote on the Declaration of Sovereignty

On January 23, 2013 the Parliament of Catalonia approved the Declaration of sovereignty and the right to decide on the people of Catalonia, which was a resolution with which it was agreed to initiate the process towards the right to decide, with 85 votes at please, 41 against and two abstentions. 

On February 12, 2013 the Advisory Council for National Transition (CATN) was created, which is an organ created by the Generalitat de Catalunya in 2013, according to Decree 113/2013, of February 12, in order to "Advise the Generalitat in the process of national transition of Catalonia and the achievement of a referendum on the independence of Catalonia.

Human star in the Plaza de Cristo Rey de Manresa on July 7, 2013

On March 19, 2013, the Consultation Law of Catalonia was admitted to the process with the support of CiU, ERC, PSC, ICV-EUiA and the CUP.  It will be processed through the urgent way to be approved in full in October 2013. 

On June 26, 2013, at the auditorium of the Parliament of Catalonia, the constitutive meeting of the National Agreement on the Right to Decide was held, in which forty forty organizations formed by civil society, the most representative institutions of the country, the local world and the political forces. Agreeing in favor of the process of exercising the right to decide and of holding a consultation on the political future of Catalonia.

On July 26, 2013, Artur Mas, President of the Generalitat de Catalunya, sends to Mariano Rajoy, President of the Government of Spain, a letter calling for the consultation on the independence of Catalonia.

Route of the human chain.

The Onze of September of 2013, coinciding with the National Day of Catalonia, the Via Catalana towards the Independence was made, which was a human chain of about 400 kilometers in Catalonia proposed by the Catalan National Assembly (ANC ) with the aim of vindicating the independence of Catalonia.

On December 12, 2013 the announcement was announced for the consultation on the independence of Catalonia, a consultation that had to be held on November 9, 2014.

On January 16, 2014, in Parliament, with 84 votes in favor, 3 abstentions and 43 votes against a petition addressed to the Congress of Deputies of Spain, was approved in order for the Generalitat de Catalunya to celebrate the referendum on independence.

During the National Day of Catalonia 2014, the Catalan National Assembly and Òmnium Cultural organized a concentration on Diagonal Avenue and the Gran Vía de las Corts Catalanes in Barcelona, forming a "V", to claim the celebration of the consultation on the independence of Catalonia and the independence of Catalonia.

On November 25, President Artur Mas proposed the creation of a combined list of political parties, civil society and professionals (recognized experts) in favor of the elections [52] [53] that succeeded, in large part , with the announcement on January 14, 2015 of an agreement with ERC and other sovereign entities to convene elections on September 27, 2015.

A few months later, in July of 2015, CDC, ERC and the independent organizations ANC and Òmnium agreed to make a pro-independence list for next September Parliament elections. This candidacy included the majority of parties, associations and movements in favor of independence, and was called Together for Yes. The head of the list was Raül Romeva, followed by Carme Forcadell, Muriel Casals, Artur Mas and Oriol Junqueras, but despite not being listed, Mas would be the candidate for the Presidency, which was criticized several times for the rest of Parliament parties. The Candidacy of Popular Unit did not want to enter this list, and decided to appear alone.

Government of Carles Puigdemont

He was appointed president of the Generalitat of Catalonia on January 10, 201615 thanks to the agreement with the Candidacy of Popular Unity (CUP), which nevertheless did not support the first budgets of the legislature six months later, considering them "insufficient" .

On September 19, 2016 the Valencian President Ximo Puig and his counterpart, Carles Puigdemont, meet at the Palace of the Generalitat Valenciana and sign the reciprocal agreement for the channels of the Corporation with those of the Catalan Broadcasting Corporation. The agreement includes the creation of a joint technical commission with Catalonia so that, just as the Corporation begins to issue, such reciprocity will be effective.

In September of 2017, the general public prosecutor of the State of Spain, José Manuel Maza, evokes the possibility of stopping Carles Puigdemont for misappropriation of public fund.

On October 27, 2017 after the Parliament of Catalonia proclaimed the Catalan Republic under the outcome of the referendum on October 1, but contrary to the provisions of the Constitution, the Senate approved the measures proposed by the government to the amparo of Article 155 of the Spanish Constitution, among them the dismissal of Carles Puigdemont as President of the Generalitat of Catalonia and the whole Government of Catalonia, immediately afterwards was published in the Official Gazette of the State.

On October 29, 2017, he started a trip to Brussels, leaving early in the car from his home in Gerona and taking a flight from Marseille to the European capital.18 On October 31, 2017, at a press conference offered from Brussels , demanded guarantees of an impartial trial to return to Spain, affirming its intention to stay in Brussels and to maintain its political activity from there.

Who is who in Catalonia?

Carles Puigdemont Casamajó (Amer, December 29, 1962) is a politician and Spanish journalist who held the mayor of Gerona between 2011 and 2016 as the most important positions and that of the presidency of the Generalitat de Catalunya from 2016 to October 28, 2017 , day of termination, 3 under the Order PRA / 1034/2017, of October 27, 4 in application of article 155 of the Spanish Constitution of 1978.

Before taking office as president of the Generalitat, Puigdemont was elected as the deputy of the viii, ix and x legislatures of the Parliament of Catalonia by Convergència i Unió and in the XI legislature for Together for the Yes.6 Belonging to 2016 the Democratic Convergence of Catalonia , is, since then, a member of his "successor" party, the Catalan Democratic Party (PDeCAT).

EVENTS WHERE CATALONIA TRIED TO BECOME INDEPENDENT FROM SPAIN OR FRANCE

988: Borrell II denies the vassalage of the Catalan counties to the French king Hug Capet. 

1641: The General Armies chaired by Pau Claris proclaimed the Catalan Republic on January 17

1641-1652: On January 23, 1641 the General Armies chaired by Pau Claris proclaimed Louis XIII of France as the Count of Barcelona, ​​putting the principality of Catalonia under French administration. On the death of Louis XIII in 1643, he was Louis XIV (King Sun) until 1652, reincorporated again to the Hispanic Monarchy.

1712: Proposal for the creation of a Catalan Republic under the protection of the United Kingdom. 

1810-1812: Napoleon grants independence to Catalonia under French rule. 

1812-1814: Catalonia is annexed to France by Napoleon.

1814: Catalonia is reinstated in the Kingdom of Spain by Ferdinand VII.

1873: The Catalan State is proclaimed within the Federal Republic.

14-17 April 1931: Macià proclaims the Catalan Republic.

October 6, 1934: Lluís Companys proclaims the Catalan State within the Spanish Federal Republic.

2017: Carles Puigdemont, creates a referendum for self-determination

White Rajahs

The White Rajahs were a dynastic monarchy of the English Brooke family, who founded and ruled the Kingdom of Sarawak, located on the island of Borneo, from 1841 to 1946. The first ruler was Englishman James Brooke. As a reward for helping the Sultanate of Brunei fight piracy and insurgency among the indigenous peoples, he was granted the landmass of Sarawak in 1841 and received independent kingdom status.

Based on descent through the male line in accordance with the Will of Sir James Brooke, the White Rajahs' dynasty continued through Brooke's nephew and grandnephew, the latter of whom ceded his rights to the United Kingdom in 1946. His nephew had been the legal heir to the throne and objected to the cession, as did most of the Sarawak members of the Council Negri.

Sarawak was part of the realm of Brunei until 1841 when James Brooke was granted a sizeable area of land in the southwest area of Brunei – around the city of Sarawak (now Kuching) and the nearby mining region of Bau – from Bruneian Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddin II. He was later confirmed with the title of Rajah of the territory. The Kingdom of Sarawak developed and expanded during the rule of the first two White Rajahs, growing to occupy much of the north region of the island of Borneo. The Brooke administrations leased or annexed more land from Brunei.

The White Rajahs pursued a policy of paternalism, with the goal of protecting the "native peoples" (indigenous peoples) from "capitalist exploitation". While James Brooke laid much of the groundwork for the expansion of Sarawak, his nephew Charles, the second rajah, was the great builder. He constructed public buildings to serve welfare, such as a hospital, in addition to forts. He worked to extend the borders of the state.

Vyner Brooke instituted significant political reforms during his tenure. He ended the absolute rule of the Rajah in 1941, before the Japanese invasion of World War II, by granting new powers to the Council Negri (the parliament). Bertram co-ruled with his elder brother, taking turns of 6 – 8 months in charge of the country each year. By 1939 Bertram's son Anthony had taken the reins of government, and it was with considerable controversy that Vyner attempted to cede Sarawak to Britain secretly in 1946 in what gave rise to the anti-cession movement of Sarawak.

GOVERNMENT

When James Brooke first arrived in Sarawak, it was governed as a vassal state of the Sultanate of Brunei; the system of government was based on the Bruneian model. Brooke reorganised the government according to the British model, eventually creating a civil service. It recruited European, chiefly British, officers to run district outstations. The Sarawak Service was continually reformed by Rajah James and his successors.

Rajah James retained many of the customs and symbols of Malay monarchy, and combined them with his own style of absolute rule. The Rajah had the power to introduce laws and acted as chief judge in Kuching.

The White Rajahs were determined to prevent the indigenous peoples of Sarawak from being exploited by Western business interests. They allowed the Borneo Company Limited (the Borneo Company) to assist in managing the economy. The core of the early Sarawak economy was antimony, later followed by gold, which was mined in Bau by Chinese syndicates who imported numerous workers from China. After the local Chinese uprising in 1857,[3] the mining operations were gradually taken over by the Borneo Company; it bought out the last Chinese syndicate in 1884.The Borneo Company provided military support to the White Rajahs during crises such as the Chinese uprising. One of the company steamships, the Sir James Brooke, helped recapture Kuching.

Rajah Charles formed a small paramilitary force, the Sarawak Rangers, to police and defend the expanding state. This small army also manned a series of forts around the country, acted as the Rajahs' personal guard, and performed ceremonial duties.

CESSION TO THE UNITED KINGDOM

After the Second World War, during which Sarawak and Borneo had been occupied by Japanese forces, the third rajah, Vyner Brooke, ceded his life interest in Sarawak to the Colonial Office. Unclear as to the legality of cession, the British Government simultaneously passed a Bill of Annexation. Rajah Vyner's nephew and legal heir, Anthony Brooke, initially opposed annexation by the Crown, as did a majority of the native members of the Council Negri.

Because of his opposition to the cession, Anthony Brooke was considered a suspect when Duncan Stewart, the second British governor to Sarawak, was assassinated by two people that were believed to be members of a group dedicated to restoring him as Rajah. In fact they were from a political group agitating for union with newly independent Indonesia. He was never prosecuted. Documents released in the late 20th century indicate that the British Government knew that Brooke was not involved, but chose not to reveal the truth of the matter so not to provoke Indonesia. It had recently won its war of independence from the Netherlands, and the UK was already dealing with the Malayan Emergency to the north-west.Since those events, there has been no serious movement for the restoration of the monarchy, although Anthony's son James Bertram Lionel Brooke remains the principal beneficiary (heir) under the Will of Sir James Brooke.

The period of Brooke rule is generally looked upon favourably in Sarawak, and in recent times the government has accepted the importance of their legacy for its social, cultural, and touristic value.

The Brooke family still maintains strong ties to the state and its people and are represented by the Brooke Trust, and by Anthony Brooke's grandson Jason Desmond Anthony Brooke, at many state functions and supporting heritage projects.

Principality of Aigues Mortes

Aigues-Mortes (Occitan: Aigas Mòrtas) is a French commune in the Gard department in the Occitanie region of southern France.

The medieval city walls surrounding the city are well preserved.

The inhabitants of the commune are known as Aigues-Mortais or Aigues-Mortaises.

PRINCE CABINET

The Prince's cabinet is the equivalent of the government of the principality. Its mission is to organize activities, study and accompany certain projects, highlight local talent and know-how and ensure good relations with other micronations around the world to promote exchange of expertise in several fields.

The Prince's Cabinet is made up of member-citizens motivated by the idea of ​​doing useful things for their city while having fun. To join the useful and pleasant according to the means and the resources which we have on Aigues-Mortes. Together these men and women together build the principality to make a beautiful solidarity experience.

The Prince's office is the source of several evening activities that allowed the talents of some sixty local artisans to be exposed and the participation of more than forty merchants. His work allowed the creation of our RTAM internet TV channel whose videos have recorded a clear step forward, to initiate work for the establishment of a local currency, to contribute to the opening of a music festival, to support a project of food self-sufficiency, and to organize an international summit to welcome French micronations from several countries.

The Cabinet is chaired by Prince Jean-Pierre IV who is assisted by the Chancellor and other members chosen by the majority of the members in place. They are then appointed by the Prince to take place in the Cabinet. For each project set up by the Principality of Aigues-Mortes, Prince Jean-Pierre IV observes a great rigor of management while ensuring the respect of the principles and values ​​of our micronation.

THE PRINCELY FAMILY

Their Serene Highnesses, Prince Jean-Pierre IV and Princess Olivia-Eugénie reign since June 21, 2011 on the Principality. Our blessed high-mortal sovereigns are a very close and very accessible couple for their fellow citizens.

Prince Jean-Pierre IV is above all loved and respected for his qualities of micronational statesman because he not only defends the interests of Aigues-Mortes abroad, but he works tirelessly on real and concrete projects to develop the commerce, the attraction of the city and the culture. He is at the origin of the local currency Flamingo and he co-founded, FIMCAM, a festival of international classical music occurring in Aigues-Mortes. Abroad, the Prince represents the Principality at major micronational conferences and maintains close relations with other micronations, with a view to establishing a strong citizen network to defend important topics such as the fight against global warming that threatens the Camargue and Aigues-Mortes because of the rising waters. He is at the origin of MicroFrancophonie, the organization of micronations Francophones and Francophiles in the World.

Princess Olivia-Eugenie is just as much loved for her very playful and natural side, almost forgetting her unusual traits. Uncomfortable with the secular protocol of the princely house, it denotes by its frank talk and its incredible adventures. If the Prince is a man at the height of his task, the Princess does her best to assume her national duty when she is not under the influence of our good rosé.

Olivia-Eugenie is much better in the street or in a bar near her fellow citizens rather than at the Palace. She quickly conquered the heart of the high-mortals by her kindness and anti-formalism. It is undoubtedly the link between the treble-mortise and the crown. In 2012, she created the Prix de Constance, which rewards a person who has achieved a significant action for the good of the city and has established its foundation against cirrhosis of the liver which she considers to be the national great evil of the Principality.

We are beautiful with this princely couple constantly vivid between sense of duty and clumsy skidding. They are none the less one of the most beloved sovereign couples on the planet!

The little Prince-Heir is called Jean-Rose, he is the first of this name who was chosen by Princess Olivia-Eugenie. Playful and lively, the Prince-Heir or the "Pequelet *" (* Petit in Aigues-Mortais) has already all of a great and made a faultless at each of his official outings. At home, everyone loves it!

The first summit of MicroFrancophonie will take place in the Principality of Acute-Dead from September 23 to September 24, 2016. Many officials of MicroNations Francophones and Francophiles are expected.

These meetings will be public and we are waiting for you.

The Heads of State will be expected at the Grand Ball of the Principality's gold bucket on 25 September.

Aigues-Mortes : Le flamant, nouvelle monnaie locale

DIPLOMATIE D'AIGUES-MORTES

If the Principality is a country happy and friendly, it is nonetheless intransigent when it comes to defend the rights of man, the environment and fair trade. As a responsible micronation, the Principality of Aigues-Mortes has established diplomatic relations with many micronations around the world to form a stronger and international citizen lobby to better defend our universal values.

We are at the origin of Microfrancophonie, the Francophone organization that brings together the main active micronations in France, Belgium and Canada. This organization develops around environmental and societal topics and is enjoying growing success in the Micromonde.

Like any self-respecting country, the Principality also has a diplomatic network in many countries on all continents, thanks to the presence of ambassadors and consuls with whom we maintain regular communication.

Les sommets micronationaux

​

Le Grand-Duc Niels de Flandrensis, l'Empeur Olivier d'Angyalistan
et le Prince Jean-Pierre IV d'Aigues-Mortes lors de la 3ème
conférence Polination en 2015.

Since his accession to the throne, Prince Jean-Pierre IV ensures the presence and representation of Aigues-Mortes in different peaks of micronational meeting. He does so with the strong intention of giving a preponderant place to his city in this universe which is always of more interest to the media. It is about building the notoriety of our principality to better promote it because thanks to the presence of the Prince at these summits, the name of Aigues-Mortes is more exposed. These meetings also make it possible to build strong links with other micronations to convey messages and carry out concrete actions on themes and values ​​in which the Principality claims a strong citizen commitment.

The Principality of Aigues-Mortes participated in 2015 at the 3rd Polination Conference, in the Free Republic of Alcatraz, a micronation located near Perugia in Italy. At the end of this meeting, we signed a joint environmental action charter known as the "Alcatraz Environmental Treaty". Since then, the Principality has respected its commitment with concrete actions such as the creation of a local currency to boost consumption on short circuits and studying food self-sufficiency solutions. Finally, the Principality has forged close ties with the Grand Duchy of Flandrensis and the Angyalistan Empire, two micronations active in ecological action to study the implementation of more effective sensitization action on their fields. respective action.

In 2016, the Principality of Aigues-Mortes received at home 8 delegations members of Microfrancophonie. This organization brings together French micronations from around the world around a language and common values.

The first summit took place on Friday, September 23rd and Saturday, September 24th at the Nicolas Lasserre Hall in Aigues-Mortes and this event was open to the public who wanted to find out more about micronationalism and citizen opportunities. it generates. It is therefore a pedagogical summit that was discussed, leading to a real reflection on "living together" and citizen action in the future.

In 2017, the Principality of Aigues-Mortes was present at the second meeting of Microfrancophonie in Luxembourg in April. Then in Atlanta in June for the second Microcon summit, which brought together the main North American micronations. During these two international events, the Principality of Aigues-Mortes was able to present the results of its concept of alternative citizenship among which we find the launch of the local currency, the flamingo, which is today the first and only micronational currency to have legal value and to be put into circulation in a territory. The Principality of Aigues-Mortes especially supported during these 2 events, its desire to create a global micronational lobby to influence the ecological and humanitarian issues with an international organization such as the UN. But still, the Principality sees an opportunity to assist some NGOs more effectively. Diplomatic work is now focused more on the possibility of creating joint actions that can serve these purposes.

RELATIONS DIPLOMATIQUES

There are more than 400 micronations in the world today. The Principality of Aigues-Mortes has engaged diplomatic relations with the most influential and successful to date. Our goal is to create a strong citizen and international network. Some are recognized as NGO observers to the United Nations, a micronational union on some major environmental, human rights and fair trade issues can act as a lobby to influence states and / or international organizations. It is for these reasons that we attach a lot of importance to the establishment of good relations between micronations active in the World.

You will find below the list of micronations with which the principality of Aigues-Mortes has established friendly or diplomatic relations. Parenthetically, the country of origin in which micronation was created by its founder. The micronations in bold were the subject of an official visit or a friendly meeting between the Prince and their heads of state.

MicroFrancophonie

There are more than 400 micronations in the world today. Most are from the Anglo-Saxon world but they are also developing in France and other French-speaking countries. However, the micronations francophones were little considered by others, hence the need to unite to create an organization capable of giving them enough weight to make their ideas and their common values heard. Microfrancophonie was founded in 2015 by 6 micronations from France, Belgium and Canada. It is today made up of 12 members and 2 observers.

Microfrancophonie organized its first summit in Aigues-Mortes in September 2016. To learn more about the organization, we invite you to visit its website.

OFFICIAL NEWSPAPER

Aigues-Morning is the official information newspaper of the Principality of Aigues-Mortes. It is published in French, and in English since 2017. The newspaper is available free of charge on the Principality's Facebook pages and in this space in PDF format.

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What is the state?

The concept of state is ambiguous because several autors

Doctrina Estrada

International law allows classification of states according to their ability to act in international relations:

- Sovereign states: they are the states with full capacity to act, that is to say, that they can exercise all their capacities as a sovereign and independent state. [3] In this case, almost all the states of the world are found, and the vast majority are members of the UN.

States with limitations of sovereignty: they are states that have limitations in their ability to act for different reasons. Within this typology we can find:

- Neutral states: those who refrain from participating in international conflicts. This neutrality can be absolute neutrality due to a constitutional provision, as in the case of Switzerland and also of Sweden between 1807 and 1993 when it maintained absolute neutrality in international affairs. But there are also neutralized states, this is a neutrality imposed by an international treaty, a constitutional provision imposed or by international penalty, was the case of Austria, which in 1956, after the withdrawal of the occupying forces of France , The United Kingdom, the United States and the Soviet Union, drafted a constitution where it was arranged that Austria should be neutral with respect to the four signing powers.

- Sovereign states that resign to exercise their international competencies and are dependent on matters of international relations. It is usually the case of microestates that cede international relations to a third state, or around, or with which to maintain good relations. This is the case of San Marino, which entrusts international relations in Italy; That of Liechtenstein, which transfers them to Switzerland, or that of Monaco to France.

Associated free states: this is an independent state but in which another state assumes a part of its external competencies and other matters such as defense, economics or diplomatic and consular representation. This is the case with Puerto Rico regarding the United States.

Trustees: they are a kind of guarded state in a way similar to the mandates and protectorates of the League of Nations that protected or assumed the protection of a state as a precautionary or transitory measure in times of crisis. The trust status is a territory over which a trust or guardianship is established entrusting the administration to a fiduciary state under the supervision of the United Nations Trust Council. It was the case of the Federated States of Micronesia, which were supervised by the United States until 1986 or that of Papua New Guinea, which was administered by Australia until 1975.

- Sovereign states that are not internationally recognized: they are sovereign and independent states, but which, not being recognized by any other state, have a limited capacity to act. The lack of recognition may be due to an international sanction, at the expense of a third state (this is the case of the Greek opposition to the recognition of the Republic of Macedonia, and also that of Taiwan that is not recognized to avoid confrontations with the People's Republic of China, although it maintains a great international activity) or by disinterest (it is the case of Somaliland). Another case was the Bantustans between 1940 and 1994, only recognized by South Africa and rejected by the rest of the international community.

INDEPENDENTIST DESIRE IN MADEIRA

Flag of Madeira

The history of Madeira begins with the discovery of the islands by Portugal in 1419.

In 1419 two captains of Prince Henry the Navigator, João Gonçalves Zarco and Tristão Vaz Teixeira, were driven by a storm to the island they called Porto Santo, or Holy Harbour, in gratitude for their rescue from shipwreck. The next year an expedition was sent to populate the island, and, Madeira being described, they made for it, and took possession on behalf of the Portuguese crown, together with captain Bartolomeu Perestrello.

Since the 17th century, Madeira's most important product has been its wine, sugar production having since moved on to Brazil, São Tomé and Príncipe, and elsewhere. Madeira wine was perhaps the most popular luxury beverage in the colonial Western Hemisphere during the 17th and 18th centuries. The British Empire occupied Madeira as a result of the Napoleonic Wars, a friendly occupation which concluded in 1814 when the island was returned to Portugal, and the British did much to popularise Madeira wine.

When, after the death of king John VI of Portugal, his usurper son Miguel of Portugal seized power from the rightful heir, his niece Maria II, and proclaimed himself 'Absolute King', Madeira held out for the Queen under the governor José Travassos Valdez until Miguel sent an expeditionary force and the defence of the island was overwhelmed by crushing force. Valdez was forced to flee to England under the protection of the Royal Navy (September 1828).

In 1891 a census revealed the population on Madeira to be 132,223 inhabitants.

In 1914 all German property was confiscated in Madeira, including the ship, the Colmar, built in 1912 which was interned in Madeira in 1914. In 1916 it was renamed Machico and in 1925 it was bought from the Portuguese Government and renamed Luso; in 1955 it was scrapped after grounding damage.

On March 9, 1916, Germany declared war on Portugal, followed by Portugal declaring war on Germany and starting to organise Portuguese troops to go to the Western Front. The effect of the Portuguese participation in World War I was first felt in Madeira on December 3, 1916 when the German U-boat, U-38, captained by Max Valentiner went into Funchal harbour on Madeira and torpedoed and sank 3 ships, CS Dacia (1,856 tons),[4] SS Kanguroo (2,493 tons) and Surprise (680 tons). In 1917 on December 12, two German U-boats, again bombarded Funchal, Madeira.

WWII

Portugal in World War II was neutral, but Salazar's decision to stick with the oldest alliance in the world, cemented by the Treaty of Windsor (1386) between Portugal and England, which is still in force today, meant that the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance allowed Madeira to help the allies and in July 1940 around 2,000 Gibraltarian [11] Evacuees were shipped to Madeira

On November 12, 1940 Hitler issued Führer Directive No. 18 in which there was the possibility to invade Portugal and he also said "I also request that the problem of occupying Madeira and the Azores should be considered, together with the advantages and disadvantages which this would entail for our sea and air warfare. The results of these investigations are to be submitted to me as soon as possible."

On the 28 May 1944 the first repatriation party leaves Madeira for Gibraltar and by the end of 1944 only 520 non-priority evacuees remained on the island.

On 1 July 1976, following the democratic revolution of 1974, Portugal granted political autonomy to Madeira, celebrated on Madeira Day. The region now has its own government and legislative assembly.

12 September 1978, the creation of the Madeira flag. The blue part symbolizes the sea surrounding the island and the yellow represents the abundance of life on the island. The red cross of the Order of Christ, with a white cross on it, is identical to the one on the flag of Prince Henry's ships that discovered the island.

MADEIRA'S INDEPENDENCE DESIRE

27 years after the Portuguese Revolution of 25th April, 1974, the Isle of Madeira again has an independence movement. This time it is not the extremist FLAMA, which launched grenade attacks against state institutions in the “hot “ days after the coup which toppled Portugal’s fascist regime, but the Secretary General of the main political force in Madeira, the PSD. The archipelago of Madeira is 1,000 km South-West of Lisbon in the Atlantic Ocean. Populated by Portuguese explorers since 1420, these islands are autonomous regions within Portuguese Territory, along with the Azores Islands, 700 km to the west. Being islands, the local culture and way of speaking have their own characteristics but the independence movement which appeared after the Revolution never really gained bases. Now, however, Jaime Ramos, General Secretary of the Social Democratic Party (PSD), in government in the regional parliament of Madeira but the opposition party in continental Portugal, has launched a flagrant bid for autonomy: “Autonomy is a fight which only ends when all the political, administrative and constitutional mechanisms arrive at what can really be called Independence….We, the people of Madeira, have more than enough reasons to continue to fight for Madeira and Porto Santo to one day be free from the colonial power which unfortunately the socialists and social-fascists wish to impose on the freedom we have gained”. The archipelago of Madeira is an important tourist destination and is becoming an investment centre for off-shore financial operations. Madeira is the main island, 57km. x 22 km, with around 250,000 people. As countries pull together inside the European Union, regions pull apart as Europe sees a greater integration at the institutional level and more cultural freedom and an increased capacity for local expression at the regional one.

FLAMA

Flag of the FLAMA

The Liberation Front of the Madeira Archipelago was an independentista movement of Madeira with respect to Portugal created in reaction to the hypothesis that continental Portugal evolved towards a communist regime.1 Born alongside the Liberation Front of the Azores, the independence movement of the Azores and with the same duration and objectives, FLAMA carried out armed actions in the years 1974-1975 during the PREC (Revolutionary Process in Progress), claiming independence of the archipelago. Later with the defenitive establishment of the democratic regime, the independence sentiment in Madeira and Azores was appeased.

PONTINHA'S DESIRE OF INDEPENDENCE

The difference between Madeira's independentists and Pontinha's independentists is the size of the territory and of course, the fact that in Madeira 100% of population have the desire of Independence.

The Principality of Pontinha is a micronation on an islet, which is physically joined to Madeira island, Portugal. King Carlos I of Portugal sold the islet on October 9, 1903 to the Blandy family of Madeira, who were involved in Madeira wine. The money was needed by the king to develop the port of Funchal.

The principality was purchased by the art teacher Renato de Barros in 2000 for £19,500 from the Blandy family. Renato Barros I communicated on November 30, 2007, confirming the independence of the island from Portugal, which first occurred in 1903.

The Royal Charter of October 26, 1903 has the following content:

“ Dom Carlos I (...) does well to transmit to him by irrevocable and pure sale all the possession and dominion that in that building had the National Treasury for (...) the bidder, his heirs and successors (...) ”

The principality introduced bitcoin in December 2015, as the official currency by the Prime Minister of Pontinha Joby Weeks.

In February 2017, José Manuel Coelho asked for political asylum in the self-declared principality, which was granted by D. Renato Barros I.

What is the Community for Democracy and Rights of Nations?

The Community for Democracy and Rights of Nations, also commonly known as Commonwealth of Unrecognized States, rarely as CIS-2, is an international organisation uniting several states in the former Soviet Union, all of which have limited recognition from the international community.

The agreement on its establishment was reached in 2001 at the Foreign Ministers' meeting in Stepanakert, the capital of Nagorno-Karabakh.

The "Community for Democracy and Human Rights" was established June 14, 2006 in Sukhumi separatist republic of Abkhazia (province of Georgia) by heads of partially recognized states:

- Abkhazia, represented by Sergei Bagapch

- South Ossetia, represented by Edouard Kokoïty

- Transnistria, represented by Igor Smirnov

- Nagorno-Karabakh, part of the 2001 agreement, comes out in 2004 and is again a member in 2007

Tatarstan, Chechnya and other states have claimed their independence from the Russian Federation are excluded, the Community includes only the states of the former USSR of other Soviet republics like Russia.

Independence Day parade and celebrations
in Transnistria on 2nd September.

On 17 June 2007, the four States of the Community for Democracy and People's Rights signed in Tiraspol (Transnistrian capital) the "Joint Declaration on the principles of peaceful and just settlement of conflicts". This declaration calls for blocking all types of pressure, such as military deployments, diplomatic isolation, economic blockades or information warfare in conflict resolution negotiations, current practices on these conflicts. It also calls for "external guarantees" and "political regulations" for such conflicts.

On 27 September 2009, members of the "Community for Democracy and People's Rights" decided to abolish visa regimes for their respective citizens. The agreement will enter into force one month after ratification by the three parliaments. It will last five years, after which it will automatically be extended for another five years. This agreement excludes Nagorno-Karabakh, which reserved the right to accede to this agreement at a later date.